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What's the matter with Indiana?

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Three days after Super Bowl Sunday a Prof. in Indiana laments the lack of organized union protests about the passage of the Right to Work Law. He creates the perfect whine by a Liberal against the facts that it is over for the Unionesta' movement. They broke their backs in Wisconsin and their bank acconts as well.

 

The people of Indiana, neighbors to Wisconsin, saw the benefits generated by that States strong stand against public unions and the benefits Wisconsin is now reaping in stable jobs for their public unions, lower taxes and reduced costs for school districts.

 

The best Leon Fink can due is fantisize about the united workers surrounding the Super Bowl and Madonna leading them on a take over during half time. Oy vay! :D

 

 

 

The state's union busting provokes little opposition compared to what went on in Wisconsin

 

Leon Fink Salon Magazine

 

I, for one, felt there was one thing missing from an otherwise exciting Super Bowl Sunday in my hometown of Indianapolis. There was nary a public peep from union workers about the twin hammer blows — the second delivered only days before the big game — brought upon their heads by the state’s conservative Republican lawmakers.

 

Just last week Indiana Gov. Mitch Daniels led state legislators to pass a “right-to-work” law — the first in the Midwest — striking at the heart of union dues collection and further weakening a union movement that makes up only 11 percent of the labor force, a shade below the national average. Upon taking office in 2005, Daniels had also terminated collective bargaining with all public employee unions by executive order. Together, Indiana’s anti-union blows were decidedly tougher and more brazen than those delivered by Gov. Scott Walker in Wisconsin.

 

Yet, the popular reaction and public protest in Indiana were relatively mild compared to the seizure of the state capitol and subsequent wave of teacher strikes and extended mass protests centered last year in Madison. Other than leafleting festive crowds with a “remember-the-workers” message, state labor officials and Occupy Indianapolis activists kept a low profile. “We don’t want to disrupt anything. We just want to protest, for people to see us and hear our message,” said one Occupy Indianapolis organizer. Indeed, the Indiana State Federation of Labor reportedly counseled against any Super Bowl demonstrations for fear that politics would be resented at a sporting event. What, then, explains the relative passivity?

 

In Indiana, union forces never found a way to align their plight with the perceived interests of a majority of Hoosier voters. The Wagner Act of 1935, keystone of labor rights in the private sector, pointedly identified “inequality of bargaining power” among “employees who do not possess full freedom of association” as a cause of business depressions, “by depressing wage rates and the purchasing power of wage earners in industry.” In that spirit, Indiana union leaders assailed the right-to-work law as an attack on high wages. Yet the argument is no longer self-evident. Today’s Republicans assert, to the contrary, that weaker and fewer unions will relieve the recession by attracting more jobs, even if with reduced pay and benefits. This is a difficult debate to win. No one wants a race-to-the-bottom, says one side. Is there another game in town, asks the other.

 

An argument centered on the economy already puts the union forces on the defensive. Why should they have to rest their case on statistics of employment growth and business investment over income standards over which they have only limited influence? They are far stronger if they hold to unionism as a principle — i.e., labor rights are human rights. People are better off if they have a say at their workplace. No one today, for example, would publicly advocate restrictions on African-Americans’ or women’s rights in order somehow to jump-start the economy. Note that even Newt Gingrich’s call for sub-minimum wage jobs for poor children did not find a receptive audience. Today, discrimination is taboo in all aspects of society except one: union preference.

 

Yet, how much do workers themselves — private sector or public sector — value their own union rights? In Wisconsin, the union presence seemed wedded to a deep sense of civic identity, including connection to a long-standing state tradition of “progressive” innovation and peaceful reconciliation of differences among competing social and economic interests.

 

In Indiana, despite the fact that Indianapolis had once hosted more union headquarters than any other city in America, legislated reduction of the union presence triggered no visible sign of larger public hurt. That the union leaders themselves viewed the issue as “mere politics” betrays their own skepticism that worker rights can truly appeal to the public conscience. Yet they stopped short of making the effort: Had thousands of workers — machinists, teachers, nurses, construction workers, et al. — assembled in a disciplined, nonviolent ring around Lucas Oil Stadium, they might have changed the chemistry for the next round of statewide elections.

 

Political leadership and strategy were equally absent inside the arena. Like Indiana workers, the NFL Players Association, an affiliate of the AFL-CIO, ultimately depends on state and national labor laws that set the framework and standards for collective bargaining. Yet, beyond a press release and letters of protest from a few Indiana-born players to their state legislators, the Players Association dropped the ball in response to the governor’s anti-union assault.

 

I could only think of how different was the determination of the 1968 Olympic athletes who raised a black-power salute at their official Olympic awards ceremony. If a similar sense of solidarity had been on display in Indianapolis, players from each team might have unfurled a “union” banner — Norma Rae-like — at halftime and carried it aloft to their respective locker rooms. Better yet, they would have handed off the emblems to Madonna, a long-established member of both the Screen Actors Guild and Directors Guild of America.

 

I’m dreaming, of course. This is Indiana.

 

Leon Fink, who graduated a year prior to Governor Mitch Daniels from Indianapolis’ North Central High School, teaches labor history at the University of Illinois at Chicago and is the author of "Sweatshops at Sea" (2011).

 

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Yet, according to our resident nitwit, and his C&P's, this union 'busting' 'guarantees' the state for Obama this fall. :kook:...:rolleyes:

 

Indiana is a very Conservative state, and will most likely return to the Republican fold this fall. The Electoral college map, as it stands today:

 

http://www.*****************.com/epolls/2012/president/2012_elections_electoral_college_map.html

 

Real Clear Politics has Indiana leaning Republican already, and the battle hasn't really even begun yet. The other 'toss-up' states are still too close to call, although I seriously doubt that either Virginia or North Carolina are really in play for the Democrats this time around, LSM Obama cheer leading aside. We should know by September how the race is leaning, after the primaries & conventions shake things out.

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I kinda have to agree with RR on Indiana - it is a very conservative state.  Yes, it borders more pro-labor union states like Ohio and Illinois ... but even though its location is in the Midwest, it culturally is more like the South. 



 



SE Michigan, N. Ohio, and Cook County, Illinois and Madison, WI have similar demographics ...



 



Totally different story in southern IL and Indiana.  Folks even speak with southern accents there.


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I kinda have to agree with RR on Indiana - it is a very conservative state.  Yes, it borders more pro-labor union states like Ohio and Illinois ... but even though its location is in the Midwest, it culturally is more like the South. 

 

SE Michigan, N. Ohio, and Cook County, Illinois and Madison, WI have similar demographics ...

 

Totally different story in southern IL and Indiana.  Folks even speak with southern accents there.

 

 

Illinois, like New York, would be truly great states if they weren't politically polluted by their biggest cities, i.e. Chicago & New York City. Both cities are virulently, rabidly anti second Amendment, and their state gun laws reflect it. Illinois is, I believe, the only state left without some provision for citizen concealed carry of handguns, and NYC & Chicago stymie & obfuscate the legal purchase of handguns at every turn. Both are frigging racist outrages. :mad:

 

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Barry is so afraid of losing NC this time that he fired our governor, Chicago style. He doesn't want her super negative image mucking up his shine.

 

Of course the cynical among us also say she might have refused to run again because her campaign staff is in jail or under indictment.

 

You just got to love you some Republican legislature for the first time since the Civil War.

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She will be under investigation before it's all said and done, hamlet. But it was definitely to Obama's benefit that she tucked her liberal tail between her legs and crawled off.

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